Make America Great Again White Reaction Race

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explicate his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential election, as many every bit ix million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the start Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions every bit a mainstay of Trump's political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly divers as a bittersweet longing for the past. Testify of Trump's appeals to an earlier time in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2016 presidential entrada through his failed 2020 reelection entrada, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Keen Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working grade Americans a render to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some accept hypothesized that such cornball rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent characteristic of right-fly populist party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in holland suggests that the accent of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony inside nostalgic messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and right-wing populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the Us, several studies provide strong evidence of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For case, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more so even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of constabulary reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the half dozen months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump'south nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this cease, in this paper, we present bear witness that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice likewise as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates cocky-esteem defense force, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Most people written report experiencing nostalgia on a regular ground (Wildschut et al., 2006) and frequently structure their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including past music, scents, and reflecting on by momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion besides serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness part of nostalgia is a primary artery through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although cornball memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative bear upon (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to human action as a "repository" of positive bear on, positive self-regard, and social connexion (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a result of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more than salient one'southward symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For example, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social back up (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative effects of low social support (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more probable to experience nostalgia (i.e., those high in personal nostalgia) are too more than motivated to command prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups as a issue of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the experience of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the self.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link betwixt nostalgia and sociality becomes more circuitous when considering nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the private level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, grouping-based nostalgia appears to have a singled-out psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Grouping-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals self-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might feel stiff pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with one's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—tin can be experienced in a diverseness of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.1000., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Similar private-level nostalgia, shared memories tin include notable events, such equally a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation 24-hour interval, homecoming (higher class), or sports championships (city). Nonetheless, dissimilar individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia tin occur in the class of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, but rather one that was passed down through collective memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes likewise as an arroyo-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study i). Collective nostalgia also tin increment grouping-oriented prosociality (e.g., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Green et al., 2021). Collective cocky-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective nostalgic event increased collective self-esteem, which, in plow, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has constitute additional ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. strange) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of commonage political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

However, in that location are 2 sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is besides a bias confronting strange products, and the promotion of commonage political activeness was driven by anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.east., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a commonage nostalgic retentiveness (vs. an ordinary collective retentivity) were more willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Written report 3). However, in some cases, commonage nostalgia might increment intergroup contact when individuals can feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of erstwhile Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were leap together prior to partitioning and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (but not control indigenous groups).

National nostalgia is i type of commonage nostalgia that is felt while cocky-categorizing equally a citizen of a specific country, and is likely to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. Simply as personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval tin facilitate coping (e.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a state'southward good sometime days—may increase felt closeness to fellow natives during times of national stress or dubiety. All the same, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as contempo immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the state (Smeekes et al., 2014) as well equally prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction betwixt personal and national nostalgia may prevarication in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the cocky.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to one'southward ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial show has institute that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one'due south actual well-being, and typically include the domains of physical condom, political ability, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstruse, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of ane'south ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived equally highly dissimilar, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are singled-out and examined separately in the literature, in that location oftentimes is overlap betwixt them, peculiarly considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To be specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economical, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats can be conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient gene in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat being evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing multifariousness (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable set up of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the US population was becoming more than diverse (relative to control weather)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies i and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to dissimilar levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connexion, as well has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, see Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking i's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may exist evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns about one's group-based identity, and may have the beneficial outcome of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of grouping continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For case, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cantankerous-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns near the future of one'southward country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). However, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (east.m., chronically or past the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increment perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national by are distorted—for example, when whites in the United states feel a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the hereafter, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cantankerous-national written report of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies accept directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and ethnic identities, we extended this line of enquiry past examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any found relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of correct-wing populist political parties, and in item its office in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural pass up (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often utilise national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity betwixt a nation's past and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective malaise about group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe institute consistent themes of nostalgia for their land'south "glorious by" while denigrating the country's present, equally well as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the political party were the cause of this discontinuity betwixt past and present, and b) increasing the country's force and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its one-time glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to arraign for that discontinuity, populist leaders offering listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being past denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for right-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a stiff focus of Donald Trump'south 2016 and 2020 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Make America Slap-up Again," and emphasized claims that the Usa had deteriorated from its sometime status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that irresolute demographics were, in part, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump's supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened past irresolute racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the United States. Get out polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to support some of these claims, as White voters were the merely racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so past a large margin of xx pct points (CNN, 2016)². Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election farther supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important function in voters' pick to back up Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels found that back up for Trump was most strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White Us citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to directly examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric as well as increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique office of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping United states voters' political attitudes. Nosotros thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique function of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and indigenous demographics of the United states, of which White Americans are becoming less of a majority (US Census Bureau, 2020).

The Current Study

Nosotros examined the function of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and across political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes amongst voters who participated in the 2016 US presidential ballot. We as well examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous research examined survey information taken effectually the fourth dimension of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~i year afterwards the election, assuasive usa to see how our participants felt subsequently President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the cornball bulletin of "Making America Great Over again" still resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, nigh all of this piece of work has been conducted outside of the United States; thus, this enquiry would explore the potential link betwixt national nostalgia and political attitudes too as study the miracle in the Us sociopolitical landscape. In addition, nosotros included a validated mensurate of personal nostalgia in club to ameliorate examine the clan between personal and national nostalgia as well every bit to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

Nosotros tested ane specific hypothesis and 3 exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Scientific discipline Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis ane. National nostalgia would exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No human relationship was expected to be constitute between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Research Question 1. Will White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Inquiry Question 2. Will national nostalgia be positively related to racial prejudice?

Research Question 3. Will the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori power assay using G^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to detect a modest correlation of r = 0.09³ with 95% power and α = 0.05. Nosotros recruited 252 U.s. citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified as either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.iv% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (One thousand = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.4% Independent, 23.iv% Republican, and seven.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 election (Pew Research Center, 2018); however, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upward 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, we experience that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how significant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (eastward.1000., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from one (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated measure of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study i) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the footing of 1's national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to 5 (Very often) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the calibration of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)⁴ to reflect American nationality [east.g., "How oft do you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the feel of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each item was modified to assess how participants experienced these benefits every bit they related to Donald Trump'south presidency. This calibration consisted of xvi items (e.chiliad., "Thinking about the ballot of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a 1 (Not at all) to five (Extremely) scale.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (e.one thousand., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The scale was examined only among White participants. The mensurate includes 12 items (eastward.g., "African Americans concur too many positions of ability and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to seven (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (e.g., "It'southward actually a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would only endeavor harder they could be merely also off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Conservative). Participants besides chose which political party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much do y'all feel like we need to 'Make America Slap-up Again'?" on a 1 (Not at all) to seven (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their land of origin and whether English language was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Indigenous Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to decide the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such every bit "I accept a strong sense of belonging to my indigenous group," and each detail was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to five (Strongly agree) scale.

Demographics

Participants concluding reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed upward through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the by, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the order described above. All responses were collected over a single, ane week period in the Autumn of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than two attention cheque items indicated bereft attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant's information.

Results

Descriptive statistics and zero-guild correlations are displayed in Tabular array 1. To examination our hypotheses, we conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped arbitration and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS 5. 20 and Hayes' Procedure macro v.iii (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we as well support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS five. 26 (Due to a computer error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still above the target based on the power assay).

Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations among written report variables.

Chief Hypothesis

We first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in pace two of the model to place their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step ane of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that college conservatism was associated with more than positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In pace 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more than pro-Trump attitudes to a higher place and across political affiliation, β = 0.30, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and across political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −ane.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes above and beyond political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = ix.xc, p < 0.001, RⁱⁱΔ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model⁵, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the human relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model 1, Hypothesis one was over again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Figure 1. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Research Question 1

To appraise whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a ii (Racial Identification) × three (Political Party Amalgamation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, i = Black/African-American (shortened to Westward/EA and B/AA going forrad). Political party affiliation was coded every bit 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and iii = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical dissimilarity. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did non identify with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 West/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that political political party affiliation was the just significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(2, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, partial η² = 0.30, with Republicans (K = 3.94, SD = 1.22) more than in favor of the president than their Democratic (M = 2.06, SD = one.26) or Independent (M = 2.27, SD = one.06) counterparts. There was no main outcome of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(1, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was at that place an interaction between political party amalgamation and participant race, F _{(2, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Figure 2 displays these results.

Figure 2. Relationship between political political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Annotation. Fault bars represent 95% CIs effectually the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results farther, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. Nosotros examined whether party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare confronting Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' Procedure macro v. 3.4 (model 1). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a meaning higher-order interaction effect betwixt political affiliation and race to predict ethnic identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = 3.23, p = 0.041, R^twoΔ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple slope effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (One thousand = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Democratic [One thousand = three.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Contained counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; simple slope difference F _{(2, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In dissimilarity, no significant deviation in racial identity salience was establish among Black/African-American participants; elementary gradient departure F _{(ii, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main effect of race amid Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was as as important to them as Black participants; M = 3.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Blackness Democrats [b = 0.60, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher indigenous identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Effigy 3).

Figure 3. Racial identity salience amidst Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of different political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs around the hateful for each subgroup.

We also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' Process macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but simply amidst White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(one, 77)} = three.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.eighteen, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a potent relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

As a final examination of Enquiry Question one, a second path model (Path Model two, Figure 4) was compared with Path Model 1 to once more examine the interaction betwixt nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to note that path models are by and large considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model two showed much improved fit relative to Path Model i [χ2(10) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Probable due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in dissimilarity to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was not significantly associated with indigenous identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

Figure iv. Path analysis estimating interaction furnishings (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Annotation. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Research Question 2

We adjacent examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS) too every bit perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table 1). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A meaning moderation consequence was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ² = 0.05, F _{(1, 178)} = 19.60, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was not-significant at low levels of prejudice (those at least −i SD below the mean of SNS). Yet, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +2 SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure v). Interestingly, this upshot was found separately for both White [ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = five.93, p = 0.02] and Blackness participants [ΔR ² = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but there was no significant three-mode interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.14), and then the results in Figure 5 are displayed for all participants.

Figure five. Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated past anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display elementary slopes at −2, −1, 0, +1, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Research Question 3

Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

Nosotros concluding examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would be mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured past the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was constructed using Hayes' Procedure macro (model 8) to assess whether the proposed mediational effect might differ between European-American and African-American participants. Equally shown in Effigy 6, the model indicated a significant indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.xiii, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect upshot did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.xv, 0.13).

Figure 6. Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice past outgroup threat perception, chastened past participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model 3 (Effigy 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(2) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect consequence β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect outcome on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect effect β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Effigy 7. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model iii). Notation. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates. Indirect outcome of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was meaning [β = 0.eighteen; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, as well equally increased perceived racial threat amidst White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Blackness prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with evidence from samples outside the The states (due east.one thousand., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are distinct experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump back up could reflect a potent semantic connection between Trump and its 2016 presidential campaign slogan, it also may point to the appeal of Trump'south campaign—and its correct wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better answer this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and identity.

Our beginning inquiry question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We found fractional prove for this idea, every bit Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. However, in that location was no testify of a relationship betwixt race and back up for the President. At offset glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'south messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did non predict back up for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more than strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans besides expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important as Blackness participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further back up for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). As members of the majority grouping, White individuals typically are less likely to remember of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United states of america may indeed have been a critical factor in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, every bit a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). All the same, there is an issue of causality, equally these correlational information could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of one'south racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more than central part of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, along with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more probable to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may as well offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist so bonny to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes commonage identity discontinuity in order to foment feet nearly the state of the land while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The function of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We found that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated past perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational outcome was institute among both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a meaning interaction outcome may accept been due to lower ability. Additionally, we plant a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings align with show that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In item, these findings marshal with converging prove that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to exist "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, too explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may heighten belongingness past evoking positive thoughts almost the "proficient old days" when one's grouping was perceived to be college in status or less threatened past outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may raise feelings of continuity in its ain way, by allowing individuals to experience continued to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Contempo piece of work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries constitute that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging merely not prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively fiddling research on collective nostalgia, especially national nostalgia, has been undertaken, futurity work should examine these questions via multiple methods, peculiarly longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cantankerous-sectional grouping of US Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, and then these results are most generalizable to American middle-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are near generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United States, and futurity assay of national nostalgia should proceed to assess different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Futurity Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go back in time, due to perceived grouping identity threats. Hereafter research should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such as manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises as a defense against perceived threats to one's ingroup. Relatedly, it is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia inquiry has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow us to meliorate sympathise how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. Nosotros should also continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The need for further research in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in light of events such as those that took place in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the United states Capitol Building in early 2021, in which big groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is not constrained just to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future inquiry should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when considering a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings advise that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a group-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about i'due south national group identity. Nonetheless, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical cognition and schemas near one'due south group within a specific nation. The phrase "brand America great once more" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the US because minority groups have achieved significant advances in ceremonious rights in recent history, and a phone call to return to a former fourth dimension may imply a call for a return to a sometime and less egalitarian social bureaucracy. Hereafter enquiry on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among various indigenous and social groups in dissimilar countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with different histories.

Hereafter enquiry might also examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (eastward.g., economic) vs. symbolic (e.thousand., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, as concerns virtually clearing and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage feet, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the United States (too every bit many other countries), farther work in this area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups across White or Black, and should also exist expanded to look at different identities such every bit gender, sexual orientation, faith, immigrant status, social class, pedagogy level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a form of commonage nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (by and large in European and Asian nations), this is the first study, to our knowledge, to examine the The states political mural. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one's personal by—does not have the aforementioned associations with political and group attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In dissimilarity, national nostalgia, specially in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

In that location may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a by that never was; in this case, an America that was non equally white as some recollect. However, these national cornball feelings appear to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of farther investigation.

Information Availability Argument

The datasets presented in this study can be plant in online repositories. All reported study hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open up Scientific discipline Framework, bachelor at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data tin can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this written report and therefore not listed in this report.

Ideals Statement

The studies involving human being participants were reviewed and approved by Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this report.

Author Contributions

AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and AC oversaw information collection and analysis. AB wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the formulation and pattern of the written report and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absenteeism of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed every bit a potential disharmonize of interest.

Footnotes

1. ^We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 election (eastward.g., the part of the Black Lives Matter motion); still, as our data were nerveless in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 election in this paper.

2. ^Though a majority of all not-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was amongst Black voters, who voted in Clinton'due south favor past a margin of 89 to eight% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to use Blackness voters as a comparison group to the Caucasian sample.

three. ^The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study ii).

4. ^The authors would like to notation that this calibration was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published but prior to the fourth dimension this written report was adult. However, the conclusion was made prior to information collection to utilize this validated scale as a more direct and statistically audio way to mensurate the construct of national nostalgia.

5. ^Although structural equation models are frequently used to model paths among blended variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was non large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

6. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to get inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.555667/full

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